Yes, there certainly were citizens who were against the Prague Spring or supported those parts of the regime that opposed it – or indeed were the regime – throughout the events of 1968. I am afraid I cannot offer much insight into what specific forms the opposition to the reforms might have looked like in the general populace, but I can shed some light on the topic at the highest levels of the government.

The single most prominent and important example of support for an intervention against the reforms came from a small group of communist party members – Alois Indra, Drahomír Kolder, Oldřich Švestka, Antonín Kapek and Vasil Biľak. These drafted two "letters of invitation" for the Soviet leadership, asking to put a stop to the counter-revolutionary events under Alexander Dubček. These letters would be then used by Brezhnev to justify the invasion which crushed the Prague Spring. An interesting sidenote is that apparently even according to the laws at the time, their actions were considered high treason. However, not even after the end of communist rule would they stand trial.

The most prominent of these men was Vasil Biľak, a high ranking party member and one of the relatively small number of remaining stalinist hardliners. Funnily enough, his unchanging views (and supposedly a generally unlikeable persona) would also cause him to be one of the few communists that would be expelled from the party in 1989. While Biľak is certainly an extreme example, the rest of the communist leadership was not wholly supportive of the reforms either, even if they did not necessarily take active part in opposing and ending the Prague Spring.

In fact, only 27 percent of all members left or were forced to leave the party following the events of 1968, roughly half a million communists in total. Those who remained attempted to steer the country back from what they saw as a dangerous deviation from the course towards communism back to normal, socialist ways – hence the following two decades being known as a period of "normalization". Gustáv Husák, originally a supporter of the reforms but above all a pragmatic man who quickly recognized the political realities of the time, would replace Dubček with the blessing of Moscow as the general secretary of the party and later go on to become the president.

It is also worth nothing that while the Prague Spring is generally viewed in a very positive light, its sudden end was in no way some kind of a wake up call to millions of people or anything of the sort, quite the opposite actually. It is true that the Warsaw Pact invasion caused various protests and emotions ran high – in early 1969, the Czechoslovak ice hockey team beat the Soviets at the world championship, and the game was followed by celebrations in Prague which turned into a spontaneous protest of sorts, and on the one year anniversary of the invasion, crowds in Prague had to be contained by the police and the army – but at the same time events such as the self immolation of Jan Palach were spurred by the passivity, inactivity and a sense of defeat of the Czechoslovak people. It is perhaps this feeling of dashed hopes and demoralization which paints the best picture of the period.

In the months following the invasion, over a quarter of a million Czechoslovaks left the country, the government put a stop to the liberalization of arts and media, stopped economic reforms, and the process of normalization would last basically until the late eighties when the communist regime came crumbling down. Life after the Prague Spring certainly did take a turn for the worse as far as the loss of the recently gained freedoms and opportunities was concerned, but at least the country did not return to the worst and most hardline communist rule of the fifties with monstrous kangaroo courts of the postwar era that ended with torture, massive jail sentences or executions. Still, normalization saw the suppression and jailing of dissenters such as the supporters of Charter 77.

However, rather than being actively vicious, the government was quite successful in replacing reformist thought with general apathy (a word very strongly associated with the period), and also placating the population through economic means. While the society of the seventies might have been sort of dull and grey when compared to the vibrant Prague Spring, the era also saw very low unemployment and high job security, massive industrial projects and the like. Many of the large scale housing projects ("paneláky") present in virtually every Czech town to this day were built in this era. In fact, this kind of social security actually saw a population boom in the seventies, a phenomenon labelled as "Husák's children".

If you will permit some speculation, it does seem as if this particular era following the Prague Spring is the most common portrayal of communist Czechoslovakia in arts and other forms of popular history. It is a source of both criticism – due to the suppression of dissent, apathetic, tepid atmosphere of conformism and crushed ideals – as well as nostalgia – as people would have jobs and would be fairly well off, relatively speaking and bearing in mind the economic realities of socialist countries. This is perhaps not particularly surprising as most of the middle aged population of the Czech Republic today would grow up and remember these times.