ADDRESS TO THE LEGISLATURE OF INDIANA, AT INDIANAPOLIS, FEBRUARY 12, 1861
FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE STATE OF INDIANA:—I am here to thank you much for this magnificent welcome, and still more for the generous support given by your State to that political cause which I think is the true and just cause of the whole country and the whole world.
Solomon says there is “a time to keep silence,” and when men wrangle by the mouth with no certainty that they mean the same thing while using the same word, it perhaps were as well if they would keep silence.
The words “coercion” and “invasion” are much used in these days, and often with some temper and hot blood. Let us make sure, if we can, the meaning of those who use them. Let us get the exact definitions of these words, not from dictionaries, but from the men themselves, who certainly deprecate the things they would represent by the use of the words.
What, then, is coercion? What is invasion? Would the marching of an army into South Carolina, without the consent of her people, and with hostile intent toward them, be invasion? I certainly think it would, and it would be coercion also, if the South Carolinians were forced to submit. But if the United States should merely hold and retake its own forts and other property, and collect the duties on foreign importations, or even withhold the mails from places where they were habitually violated, would any or all of these things be invasion or coercion? Do our professed lovers of the Union, who spitefully resolve that they will resist coercion and invasion, understand that such things as these, on the part of the United States, would be coercion or invasion of a State? If so, their idea of means to preserve the object of their great affection would seem to be exceedingly thin and airy. If sick, the little pills of the homoeopathist would be much too large for it to swallow. In their view, the Union, as a family relation, would seem to be no regular marriage, but rather a sort of “free-love” arrangement, to be maintained on passional attraction.
He says he is not asserting anything, but I doubt it. He seems to be suggesting that there is no inherent value in a political entity that is separate or superior to the value of the people themselves who make up that political entity. Or have I gotten this wrong?
You've understood Lincoln correctly. He's adopting basically an popular, instrumentalist view of the states. Specifically, there's nothing inherent to a state that would make its decision to overrule the nation either reasonable or legitimate. He's not saying states are utterly impotent or irrelevant, but they are subordinate to the nation.
This goes right to the basic logic of having elections to fill offices and decide policy. Part of the social contract of doing so is that everyone accepts they may lose and the other side gets control for a while. The North spent the better part of the antebellum living with southern presidents, southern-dominated parties, southern Congresses, southern Cabinets, and all the rest. With the exception of a few radicals (and Lincoln is far from one of them), the free states took all of that as part of the deal. They weren't always happy with the results, any more than you or I might be happy if our side loses an election, but they did very little in the way of rejecting the principle that elections settled things. Come 1860, South Carolina rejected that premise on the simple grounds that the slave states lost the election. This was understood by many northerners who didn't care much one way or the other about slavery as a fundamental rejection of the American system of government. It was not self-government to insist that the expressed will of the nation be overruled by the fiat of a single state, but rather dictation by that state. This, to Lincoln (and Andrew Jackson before him and lots of others), is despotism.