I remember reading somewhere a fairly detailed piece describing the rise of the Blackshirts, their methods of organizing and intimidation, and the political and cultural origins of fascism in Italy in the 1920s and 30s.
Is it true they were former WWI officers and landowners who roamed the countryside beating and murdering socialists and peasants?
Brief, you say... Let's try that for once.
Italy leaves WW1 in a mixed situation.
Good things: Italy won and gained control of most of the unredeemed lands still missing from the unification progress; the need to get rid of the burdening war laws on the economy seems to offer a chance for a liberal reform of the state - many seek the opportunity for growth in the anti-protectionist choice; the war is a chance to bring a new generation to the political life: in the 1919 elections 2/3 of the Chamber was made of newly appointed representatives.
Neutral things: the renovation of the political class is not an organic process - most of it comes from the rise of the new mass parties (socialists and catholics) and the decline of the liberal forces, who had been more or less a source of stability for the Kingdom; the large war profits have prompted speculation in many economical sectors that were traditionally static (such as agriculture), thus promoting a degree of innovation but also competition and conflict.
Bad things: the rising forces - socialists and catholics - are unwilling to work together and the catholics are even reluctant to commit to become a Government Party; meanwhile the liberals are facing a process that they have a hard time grasping - some of them hope that the masses will see through populist propaganda and subscribe to the traditional liberal values, others look for a reaction based on the prominence of the executive powers in the Italian State - thus fracturing the limited liberal base.
Another thing that comes from the war is a score of - often non influential - right wing, radical organizations. Tying in with a pre war tradition of nationalism/interventionism, they range from extreme conservativism to palyngenetic approaches to society: they more or less share: aversion to socialism, exhaltation of the war, veteranism or "cult of the trenches".
Among them the most relevant was certainly the Italian Nationalist Association and the, at first non relevant, Fasci di Combattimento founded in 1919 under the intellectual patronage of a interventionist publicist and former socialist leader, Benito Mussolini.
What happens, very briefly, is that the openings of the liberal-conservatives and a portion of the establishment to an autoritharian solution of the issues faced by the post war State, meets with the autoritharian project of many of the radical groups, the inclination of the military for a stronger government an an expansionist policy, the dissatisfaction of many veterans and the desire of a portion of the (heavy) industry and land owners to retain the protectionist structure of the State and reject the liberal evolution. This convergence produces an authoritarian project with the aim to promote a further development of the "strong state" model, initiated with Italy's entrance to war in 1915.
The "project" - more or less focused on the attempted coup in Fiume, with the purpose of bringing down the weak Bonomi and Nitti Ministries - fails. In part for the lack of general support by the establishment, lukewarm to the figure of D'Annunzio; in part for the inadequate political platform that never evolved into a mass party. The strongest ideological portion of this "coalition" - the Nationalists - was trying to gain a popular support but was never able to compete with the socialists or the catholics on their ground.
Meanwhile the socialists are on the rise; they obtain impressive results in the 1919 elections and even more in the following administrative election. This brings into their numbers a large amount of new members - many of them quite lacking in terms of socialist formation. The leadership of the Socialist Pary often appears unable to control their base; following them on the myth of the maximum program and making the most extreme and outlandish promises. On the other hand the practical behavior of the socialist adminsitrations is quite moderate: the result is to impress in their base the idea that taking an administration per se is not an accomplishment, unless followed by extreme revolutionary measures. But their constant propaganda also alienates the moderates and offers an easy counterargument to their political enemies to bring the political battle on the ground of anti-bolshevik fight.
It does not help that the socialist conduct on the field is questionable. Pressed by the increased competition in the land, the socialist leagues (the land workers trade unions) are employing every mean to force workers to join them; turning small owners, renters and long term workers into their worst enemies, as these categories ofte find themselves between the two fires of the socialist league on one side and the land owners on the other.
This policy also pushes the small but relevant catholic white leagues towards the owners.
In an effort to develop a system of reaction the land owners look for a proper tool. They find it in the fascist movement.
Politically irrelevant in 1919, it was nonetheless mostly made up of young people, middle class, veterans, with ties with the radical world but some influence on the socialist world as well. More so, it had a very flexible program - open to an evolution in favor of the conservative stance - it just needed a small incentive.
Thus in many regions of Italy the land owners begin financing the local fasci. At times by joining them directly. In exchange the fasci provide men for protection - often led by one veteran, maybe a former non commissioned; almost never a career officer - and for fighitng back against the socialists.
The fasci originally strapped for cash - to the point of their leaders asking the central direction for money in order to pay the train to attend a meeting - are now well founded enough to look for more appropriate locations; they became an aggreagatin point not only for ideologically committed anti-socialists but also for people looking for a decent job, for land workers or small owners who wanted protection or "revenge" against the socialists.
The years 1920-21 are marked by an impressive rise of the fascist movement. And by an evolution of its violence, which remains a local issue but now takes the form of planned actions against leagues, socialist clubs or even city halls.
The authorities - which had suffered the socialist slights - look with a varying degree of sympathy to the fascist violence; at times operating in open complicty. The fascists are now able to force the dissolution of local socialist administration - they extend their targets to the catholic leagues as well, essentialy establishing their authority on the land workers in some of the most relevant agrarian regions of Italy.
They are what the Nationalists had failed to produce: a people's force. The backbone of a mass party.
Mussolini, who had been hesitant at the beginning to commit to the new movement - as he had been busy with "his" veteran's league as well - sees the potential in this movement and uses his connections, his relative prestige and his understanding of the Italian political situation to bring the newly founded Fascist Party to power.