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The short answer to this is that we don't know, either about their treatment or about the fact hos many/if there were any persons who could be reasonably defined as pedophiles in Concentration Camps.
What I mean by that is a problem in terms of both reconstructing numbers from source material on the persecution of such individuals and the the difference in how a democratic police and court system with laid out standards of evidence and the rule of law handles and defines such individuals and how the Nazis differed from that.
Crime, even the "normal" run-of-the-mill crime we see virtually in every society, had a political aspect to the Nazis. In essence, a criminal offense was perceived not as individual wrong doing but as an offense towards the "Volksgemeinschaft" (the people's racial community). Being a criminal in Nazi Germany marked you as a deviant on a much larger scale than it did and does in democratic societies. This is also the reason why a lot of "common" criminals ended up in Concentration Camps as the prisoners with the green triangle.
In general, courts in Nazi Germany were encouraged to hand down sentencing based on a politicized understnading of the crime. The infamous Volksgerichtshöfe (people's court) used to operate not by an understanding of the legal code but by the "gesunde Volksempfinden" (healthy people's sentiment approximately), i.e. they could hand down arbitrary sentences based on what they thought was the right thing to protect the community of racial Germans from criminals.
This also meant that additionally to an imprisonment in a regular prison, courts could sentence people to serve time in concentration camps after they had served their regular sentences. Which in turn meant that in our understanding of how the justice system is supposed to operate, many of these prisoners had already served their sentences and thus their imprisonment was unjust to begin with.
Furthermore, from 1936 onward especially, the system also changed considerably with the passage of the third Gestapo law. This empowered the Gestapo to take charge of any case where Gestapo officials deemed it necessary out of political reason and bypass the courts. It specifically stated that the Gestapo was doing "preventive crime fighting" and functioned as the "doctor" for the "racial body" of Germany, meaning that they could imprison everyone where they deemed it appropriate as part of their preventive crime fighting strategy.
This does not just represent a problem in terms of how criminal these alleged criminals actually were since the police basically had the power to arrest everyone at any time but also in terms of how convictions worked when they did occur.
To give you an impression on how this works, let's take a look at the case of 24-year old Günther F. from Berlin. In 1938 Günther was convicted of violating both §175, which outlawed homosexuality, and §176, which outlawed sexual conduct with minors under 14-years of age, of the the German Criminal Code because he had sought sexual relations with a male prostitute. The prostitute however, had not been underage but 18 years old. The reason F. was also sentenced for violation of §176 was because the judge in his case felt it warranted because the male prostitute did look very young and from that the judge inferred that Günther would like to have sexual relations with minors. F. was imprisoned and after serving his time imprisoned in a Concentration Camp as a criminal prisoner.
It's difficult to say how representative Günther F.'s case in terms of how these convictions for §176 worked but according to Andreas Sternweiler and Joachim Müller in their book Homosexuelle Männer im KZ Sachsenhausen (homosexual men in the Sachsenhausen Concentration Camp), they counted 1950 convictions for §176 throughout the Third Reich as far as it can be reconstructed and the vast majority of people convicted of these crimes were also convicted of §175, which makes it reasonable to assume that like in the case of Günther F., the stereotype that homosexual men were generally more prone to sex with minors played a major role in many of these convictions, whether there was evidence for that or not.
Further support for this comes from Dagmar Lieske in her book dealing with criminal prisoners in Sachsenhausen (Unbequeme Opfer? "Berufsverbrecher" als Häftlinge im KZ Sachsenhausen). Lieske shows just how heterogeneous the group of "criminal" prisoners in Sachenhausen was: The criminal category (meaning those with a green triangle) included both so-called "habitual" or "professional criminals" as well as "preventive prisoners". Given that these categories served as catch-all categories for a lot of people, it is not surprising that Lieske shows that among the prisoners in Sachsenhausen who wore a green triangle, there were people with prior criminal convictions, people transferred to Sachsenhausen from another prison after their sentence had run its course, homeless persons, people who went on strike, prostitutes, homosexuals, so-called "gypsies" and POWs who had committed a crime. Furthermore, the distinction between "criminal" and so-called "asocial prisoners" existed in Sachsenhausen only after 1938. Before that point in time, no distinction between the two groups was drawn and it therefore included both people sentenced for a crime as well as alcoholics, men who didn't pay alimony, and those "unwilling to work".
All in all, Lieske was able to identify about 9000 prisoners of Sachsenhausen who were classified with a green triangle, meaning both "professional criminals" and "preventive prisoners". Of those, e.g., more than a thousand were imprisoned because of sexual crimes, in the vast majority, meaning repeated convictions because of homosexual activity: about 800 of all, about 200 were mainly pimps and prostitutes with repeat convictions, and 53 people sentenced because of other sexual crimes.
The category "other sexual crimes" is comprised of people convicted of assault, rape, and sexual relations with minors without also having been convicted for violation of §175, which goes to show that the number of actual pedophiles in Concentration Camps was rather small (as was the number of people imprisoned for sexuality and sexual crimes in general: It is estimated that 5.000 to 15.000 CC inmates were part of the pink triangle group, meaning solely as homosexuals, with only several thousand more as criminal inmates, putting the number of people imprisoned for being homosexual at at most 20.000-30.000 and the number of sexual offenders generally imprisoned in Concentration Camps much lower than that).
While there has been little research into this group in general, the reasons why there were so comparatively little sexual offenders in Concentration Camps can, in my opinion, be sought in the general structural factors surrounding this crime as well as probably in the Nazi specific way of dealing with such criminals: Structurally, child molestation and sexual violence against children is a crime that is always under-reported because it very, very often takes place in the immediate family. And while by now social workers and other authorities are trained to recognize it and there is a variety of things in place in terms of prevention and recognition, these things were not as developed and in place during the time in Nazi Germany. Secondly, from 1934 onward, the Nazi court system could order offenders of §176 to undergo castration, a possibility later extended to Gestapo itself. So for people who had been accused of violating §176, the first measure initiated was not imprisonment in a Concentration Camp but forced castration, which for most state authorities lead to the problem considered being solved. Due to the fact that so much Gestapo and court records have been lost however, it is difficult to verify just how widespread this practice was as well as how often Gestapo or courts dealt with child molestation and other sexual crimes against minors.
Next to the numbers for Sachsenhausen, another thing that stands out is that pedophilia, child molestation etc. features very little in survivors' accounts talking of other prisoners. In Hermann Langbein's collection of recollections from former Auschwitz prisoners, People in Auschwitz, one prisoner with a Green Triangle accused of child murder is mentioned but none accused of pedophilia.
So, as a conclusion, it is unclear how these prisoners were treated and how many of them there even were that could be considered actual pedophiles rather than victims of a anti-gay stereotype propagated by the Nazis and present in the Nazi court system.
Sources:
Wolfgang Ayaß: „Gemeinschaftsfremde“. Quellen zur Verfolgung von „Asozialen“ 1933–1945. Koblenz 1998.
Dietmar Sedlaczek u. a. (Hrsg.): „minderwertig“ und „asozial“. Stationen der Verfolgung gesellschaftlicher Außenseiter. Chronos, Zürich 2005.
Thomas Roth: Von den „Antisozialen“ zu den „Asozialen“. Ideologie und Struktur kriminalpolizeilicher „Verbrechensbekämpfung“ im Nationalsozialismus. In: Dietmar Sedlaczek u. a. (Hrsg.): „minderwertig“ und „asozial“. Stationen der Verfolgung gesellschaftlicher Außenseiter. Chronos, Zürich 2005, ISBN 3-0340-0716-7, S. 65–88.
H.W.Koch (1997). In the Name of the Volk: Political justice in Hitler's Germany. I B Tauris & Co Ltd.
Herbert Reinke: Crime and criminal justice history in Germany. A report on recent trends. In: Crime, history& Society, Vol. 13, n°1 | 2009 | Varia
Dagmar Lieske: Unbequeme Opfer? "Berufsverbrecher" als Häftlinge im KZ Sachsenhausen.
Andreas Sternweiler and Joachim Müller: Homosexuelle Männer im KZ Sachsenhausen