Well, in a strictly British context, an important distinction to some degree is between the working classes of Britain and the middle and upper classes of Britain.

There were plenty of occasions where British workers would attempt to drive out fascists, home and abroad. Many went as volunteers for the International Brigades and P.O.U.M (as did middle and upper class Britons such as George Orwell). These volunteers acted firmly against the interest of the governing classes, who urged non-intervention in the Spanish Civil War on a state level and punished volunteers for fighting there. 35,000 people from across the world fought in the Brigades, and British and Irish citizens made up 2,300 - overwhelmingly from a working class tradition, a great many of them coming from cities like Liverpool and Glasgow, for instance. Scottish volunteers' involvement is particularly well documented - it has been the subject of many history documentaries and there is some great music and poetry on the subject.

That is, not to say that Scotland was uniformly of a Republican position - as some Scots spilled their blood in the name of the Spanish Republic, some were more embracing of General Franco. Aristocrats like the 8th Earl of Glasgow and Captain Archibald Maule Ramsay (the Member of Parliament for Peebles) railed against the Republicans. The latter would go on to become a foremost member of the British Union of Fascists by the end of the decade, but he is well-known for his reaction to the crimes committed against Catholic clergy in Republican Spain, founding the United Christian Front which he explained would confront “the widespread attack on the Christian verities which emanates from Moscow.”.

That is an important distinction. A common saying at the time was "better Hitlerism than Communism". With the trials and tribulations of Stalin's Russia, the anxious British politicians would have seemed justified in their worries. Fascism, it would seem, would appear to pose less of a threat to the wealth and power of the British middle and upper classes as communism would. Appeasement could be seen as much as a response to the rise of communism as Nazism. The ruling Conservative Party thought that the communists were a far deeper threat to global security and peace than Hitler ever would be, and a strong state in the centre of Europe was thought to be a potential bulwark and buffer between them and Stalin.

Further, there was a growing opinion that the Germans were overly harshly treated with the Versailles settlement, and many were prepared to rationalise what Hitler was doing. Phillip Henry Kerr, Lord Lothian remarked after Hitler had remilitarised the Rhineland that Germany was simply occupying "their own back garden". This came after a trip he took to Germany to meet Hitler himself. Lothian wrote in The Times:

The central fact in Europe today is that Germany does not want war, and is prepared to renounce it absolutely as a method of settling her disputes with her neighbours, provided she is given real equality'

Indeed, Lothian wasn't the only one. These opinions would be voiced by elder statesman, wartime Prime Minister David Lloyd George. He was slightly more enamoured with Hitler than Lothian, who resented him and his methods in private. In The Daily Express in November 1936, Lloyd George commented:

there can be no doubt that he has achieved a marvellous transformation in the spirit of the people, in their attitude towards each other, and in their social and economic outlook. One man has accomplished this miracle. He is a born leader of men. A magnetic dynamic personality with a single-minded purpose, a resolute will, and a dauntless heart. He is the national Leader. He is also securing them against that constant dread of starvation which is one of the most poignant memories of the last years of the war and the first years of the Peace. The establishment of a German hegemony in Europe which was the aim and dream of the old prewar militarism, is not even on the horizon of Nazism.

So, in some cases, I would postulate that many politicians were not necessarily pro-fascist, but rather naive towards it because there were far less certainty towards it than there was to communism, which was proven in their eyes to be insidious as they watched Stalin rule. Furthermore, present at the time was the raw memory of the Great War, and public opinion was firmly against another war. However anti-fascist and anti-communist ministers and politicians were in equal terms was largely irrelevant since the public opinion was so strong against war. However, this is not to dismiss your question, as there were certainly very many British people, especially in the aristocracy, who definitely feared communism more than fascism.