How did the Patriarch of Constantinople's role change with between the late Ottoman Empire and the Republic of Turkey?

by ryuuhagoku

As I understand it, the Ottoman Empire used the leadership of it's religious minorities for consolidation in it's early periods. After the Greek War of Independence and much of the rest of the Balkans, the usefulness of the Patriarch to the Padishah must have declined a fair bit, and the establishment of the secular ethno-nationalist republic threw all the old bases of power in the air.

GrandDragoman

PART ONE: UP TO THE CREATION OF TURKEY

First of all, it is a very persistent misconception that the millet system is something that has emerged in 1453 already. The very term of a millet was unknown to the Ottoman administration before the late 18th century. The so-called millet system never came to existence: when the millets got their final shapes (during the so-called Tanzimat Era), they were established on basis of independent agreements, initiated from bottom up, and in different shapes. Therefore, we can talk about millets, but not about the millet system. Another very persistent myth is that the Patriarch of Constantinople was the leader of all Eastern Orthodox Christians in the Ottoman Empire. Only during the 18th century did the patriarchs of Constantinople start to de facto take over whole Eastern Orthodox church in the Ottoman Empire, when they installed Greek patriarchs in other three traditional patriarchates (Antioch, Jerusalem, Alexandria). At the same time, the Patriarchate of the Serbs and the Archbishopric of Ohrid got shut down due to failure to meet financial obligations towards the state. The wealth of, practically, only tax-paying patriarch, as well as the fact of his living inside the borders had made him a potential ally of the sultan, annoyed by missionary activities of Roman Catholic in Arabic lands. It is somewhere around these years that the myth of establishing the Rum milleti in 1453 appeared.

However, in 1821 the Greeks of Peloponnese rose to rebellion. The rebellion and massacre of Peloponnesian Muslims caused the mob lynch of the patriarch in the same year, despite his stance toward rebellion. Enraged, Sultan Mahmud II ordered empire-wide humiliations and executions of Eastern Orthodox Christians. Even thought the repression soon ended, the Greek Revolution proved fatal for Greek control of Arab-speaking Christians. New millets for Arab-speaking Christians were established, with separate hierarchies. In addition to that, new national autocephalous churches were being established on the Balkans. Thus the jurisdiction and financial resources of the Patriarchate of Constantinople diminished.

In 1847 there was a set of unsuccessful reforms, by which the Ottoman state tried to diminish the power of the patriarch vis-à-vis the Synod. Another reform was established by the Hatt-ı Hümayun of 1856. As the reform of the Patriarchate was imposed in 1860, it introduced the so-called Mixed Council. The Mixed Council, composed of 12 members, clergy and laymen, acted as the second council (the first one being the Synod). It controlled finances of the Patriarchate, making it de facto the most powerful institution of the Patriarchate. The members of the Synod were elected, and had a 2-year-long mandate. Rise of the laymen and inexperience of the Synod members thus caused the instability of the church: there were no less than 12 patriarchs between 1860 and 1912, and the tension between the Greeks and the non-Greeks increased, as well as between the clergy and the laymen. The careful wording of the reform, however, led to positive reception among diplomats in Russia and the West.

With Russian help, in 1870 the Bulgarian Exarchate was created. The Exarchate took Slavic regions from the Patriarchate, leaving it without most regions of jurisdiction in the Balkans. The Bulgarians were thus treated as the heretics by the Patriarchate all the way until 1945. In 1878, with Treaty of Berlin, the Patriarchate lost jurisdiction over Thessaly and parts of Epirus in exchange for a fixed annual sum from Greece. Thus the patriarch of Constantinople became de facto patriarch of Ottoman Greeks. Disregarding the losses of jurisdiction, the patriarchs of Constantinople never forgot their ecumenical leadership. This provoked another problem with Russians, who left out attribute of ecumenical pertaining to the seat of Constantinople altogether since 1880.

The period since 1880 was known as the Struggle for Rights. The Patriarchate successfully defended attempts of the Ottoman state to attack its traditional control of Eastern Orthodox press, schools and courts until 1884, with some support from Russia. However, in 1883 Austria-Hungary successfully forced the Patriarchate to sign the concordat for Bosnia and Herzegovina, effectively losing jurisdiction there. In the period of 1884-1886 Constantinople tried to reconcile with Rome (the only effect of it being stronger Roman Catholic propaganda in Macedonia), gave autocephaly to the Romanian Orthodox Church, and restored communion with the Metropolitanate of Karlovci. In 1887 the new era of Ottoman government attacks on the Patriarchate ensued: the government asked the Patriarchate to show documents, confirming its possessions over real estate, threatening to confiscate the estate without proofs of possession. Systematic persecution of Greek bishops and lower clergy in Macedonia followed, and the issue of fixed salaries for clergy followed. Finally, the issue of judiciary jurisdiction was brought again. After attempts to reconcile with the Ottoman government, which did intend and succeed in installing Bulgarian bishops in Macedonia and Thrace, the Patriarchate reconciled with Russia. This new alliance didn't bring any success to the Patriarchate, save for financial help intended to amend the losses of Macedonia and Thrace. The issues caused the patriarch to withhold all services throughout the Patriarchate in 1890. Threat of mass insurrection and Russian support to the Patriarchate forced the Ottoman government to yield in the same year, and to restore all previous rights to the Patriarchate.

Since 1890 newly elected patriarch was forced to turn to Russia, as he suffered strong pressure from two factions of Greeks. Greece was using its annual payment to pressure the Patriarchate into supporting Greek government, while the laymen in the Mixed Council used their position to force the Patriarchate to prohibit services held in Slavic languages in Macedonia.18 Great relations with Russia forced the Ottoman government to cause a crisis in the Synod in 1894. Russia did meet appeals against Roman Catholic propaganda with financial support and opening places in Russian seminaries for Greek students, seeing a chance for increase of influence. However, the new patriarch proved Slavophobic, protesting the existence of the Palestine Society and Russian monks on the Mt Athos in his letter to Emperor Nicholas II of Russia (1900). Another change on patriarchal throne brought back a Russian favorite, who unsuccessfully tried to define a common policy vis-à-vis other Christian churches. Using the conflict between the Patriarchate of Constantinople and the Bulgarian Exarchate, Serbian government managed to install a Serb metropolitan bishop in Skopje in 1901, with support of both Russia and the Patriarchate of Constantinople (under whose jurisdiction the Serb metropolitan bishop came). Post-1901 period was also characterized by very close relations with the Anglican Church and plans of communion.

The Young Turk Revolution of 1908 was welcomed by the Eastern Orthodox laity, but the patriarch did not share the excitement. Obligatory military service was a big concern: the Christians were forced to work on Sunday, celebrate Friday, and it seems that some of them were even forced to convert. On the other hand, the state took over education from the Patriarchate, expelling foreign subjects from them. Heads of churches in the empire (the patriarch of Constantinople, the two Armenian patriarchs, the Bulgarian exarch and the representative of the Chaldeian patriarch) sent a joint letter in 1911, protesting the innovations. The government made some concessions: the soldiers were guaranteed freedom to perform rites of their religion, they had their own priests, the control of the ecclesiastical schools was returned and the ecclesiastical schools were made equal to those controlled by the government.

The Balkan Wars (1912-1913) further eroded the jurisdiction of the Patriarchate. Macedonia and Thrace were permanently lost. The Patriarchate was left with sparsely populated regions of Asia Minor. There was some consideration in Greece to unite the Greek Orthodox Church with the Patriarchate, as to make a sort of ecclesiastical prototype of the Megali Idea. However, the Ottoman government's insistence on leaving out the members from Greece from the Synod rendered such idea impossible.

In 1914 the Ottoman government started a systematic repression of the Eastern Orthodox Christians. The Greeks from the coastal areas were forcibly resettled to central Asia Minor, 345.000 of them in the Vilayet of Smyrna alone. Because of this the services stopped on May 29th, 1914. A commission was sent to Russia, and Russia expressed sympathies, but the beginning of the WWI stopped all negotiations.

GrandDragoman

PART TWO: THE PATRIARCHATE IN TURKEY

The view of the Patriarchate as Turkey's historical fifth column led to demands of the Turkish government of removal of the Patriarchate from its historical seat at Phanar in the negotiations at Lausanne (1923). In order to accomplish that, Turkish govenrment created Turkish Orthodox Patriarchate with the seat in Kayseri in 1922. The Turkish government was, however, forced to yield, and the Patriarchate remained. However, the government made sure that the said treaty removed all historical rights of the Patirarchate. Moreover, in the 1923-1925 period three patriarchs were expelled from Turkey. Therefore, the Patriarchate was turned into purely religious organizations whose flock was radically dwindled due to population exchange between Turkey and Greece. The government made sure to cut contacts between the Patriarchate and other churches, thereby reducing its status to the one of a simple parochial church. The patriarch was referred to simply as the başpapaz (first priest) in Turkish documents.

The aftermath of the WW2 brought a more relaxed relations between the Turkish government and the Patriarchate. As the USSR started using the Patriarchate of Moscow as the tool for promoting its influence among the Orthodox world in 1945. Since the establishment of the Truman doctrine (1947), the US has found the partner in the Patriarchate of Constantinople. The fact that Turkish government was more than suspicious towards the Patriarchate was amended by the Soviet threat as early as 1946. The US, Greece and Turkey supported the election of a Greek-American bishop, Athenagoras, the longest reigning Patriarch of Constantinople since 1453 (1948-1972). He was chosen by violation of the canons and arrived to Istanbul via President Truman's personal plane. The patriarch himself later stated that he represented the religious side of the Truman Doctrine. As the patriarch arrived, he was accepted by the president, İsmet İnönü, as well as the prime minister and the minister of interior. This was a unique case in Turkish history. Some issues were resolved: the patriarch was allowed to visit Greek schools in Istanbul, the Theological School of Halki (Heybeliada; founded in 1844 as the main theological school of the Patriarchate) was allowed to accept students from other countries, and the Patriarchate got its press-bureau back. The press and the semi-official Encyclopedia of Inonu styled Athenagoras as the ecumenical patriarch.

At American request, Michael Melas, the Greek consul-general in Istanbul, made a memorandum, de facto guidelines, for the patriarch. The memorandum suggested a strict policy towards Rome, as to evade any possible Soviet/Russian attack on Constantinopolitan Ecumenism. It was needed for the patriarch to remind his followers of evils of materialism and imperialism constantly, just like the Pope had been doing. It was also needed to increase the spiritual level of Phanar's personnel, and it was planned to do this by hiring two or three university professors from Greece; however, this was constantly refused by still suspicious Turkish government. Finally, it was needed to establish strong connection with Orthodox diaspora in the Americas, Australia and Western Europe, and, as far as possible, with Slavic countries.

Cordial relations of Turkish government and the Patriarchate continued for a couple of years. As the Democratic Party won the elections in 1950, therefore ending one-party system in Turkey (established in 1931), the patriarchate was frequently visited by American and British diplomats. In 1952 the prime minister Adnan Menderes became the only Turkish prime minister to visit the Patriarchate. The patriarch frequently stated his satisfaction with the Turkish government.

In 1951, the patriarch sent an ecumenical delegation to Antioch, Jerusalem and Alexandria. While officially expressing best wishes, the delegation had a task of investigating presence of communist element in these three patriarchates. The patriarch was keen on removing the patriarchs of Antioch and Alexandria from their positions, suspecting them to be under Soviet/Russian influence. As the patriarch of Alexandria proved to be too distant, the patriarch of Constantinople was unsuccessfully trying to overthrow the patriarch of Antioch, more so as Antioch depended on Constantinopolitan financial aid.

However in 1954 the issue of Cyprus turned the tides. Being a British possession since 1878, Cyprus proved to be of the utmost importance for British plans in 1950. The archbishop of local Greek Orthodox Church of Cyprus started a campaign for unification with Greece in the same year. Even though Greece viewed Cypriot demands as legitimate, it had far bigger priorities than confronting the UK. Even though both Turkey and Greece have just became members of the NATO (1952), Greece reacted to Cypriot campaign and took the issue of Cyprus to the UN. Due to growing tension and activities of some Turkish organizations, the Patriarchate became a target of Turkish discontent. The Patriarchate was called out to interdict support of Greek clergy towards Greek-Cypriot union. The Patriarchate was the target of a fierce campaign, questioning its loyalty; it's quietness was met with accusation of silent support in the media (especially in the Hürriyet, one of Turkish dailies). In response to bombardment of Kemal Mustafa Ataturk's birth house in 1955, Turkish government backed the pogrom of the Greeks in Istanbul. As the patriarch protested, the government started attacking him, to the point of accusing him of things such as leaving the churches unrepaired intentionally, only to gain sympathy and financial aid. In 1956, when partition of Cyprus occured, the motion for removing the Patriarchate was created, but in never reached the Assembly. Nonetheless, this frightened the Patriarchate as much as possible, and only visits of the American diplomats to the Patriarchate prevented dire consequences.

In 1957, especially when Archbishop Makarios went to Greece and was welcomed frenetically, a new campaign for expulsion of the Patriarchate was started in the media. Turkish government was supporting this campaign. Relief of pressure didn't come until 1959 and final solution for Cyprus (i.e. independence). The patriarch continued with his old policies against Communism until 1964, when new crisis on Cyprus erupted and he found himself under new wave of pressure.

In 1964 the orphanage in Büyükada was shut down and a number of Greeks was deported from Istanbul. The Turkish government clearly stated for the first time that the Patriarchate was in the framework of bilateral relations and reciprocity. The government took additional measures: two metropolitan bishops were deported, Patriarchal press bureau was shut down, Orthodox clergy was banned from Greek minority schools, a police cabin was placed in front of the Patriarchate and the Church of St Nicholaos was shut down by the police.

In 1971 the Theological School of Halki was shut down by the government, that quoted the decision of the Constitutional Court - prohibition of privately owned institutions of higher education. The Court of Cassations' decided to confiscate a number of properties of religious minorities in 1974. At the same year, due to Turkish invasion of Cyprus, a number of Turkish Greeks was terrified. That's where I end my account.

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Initially I thought to include the footnotes, but due to their large number (51), I've decided not to include them. If you require sources for any of my claims, please demand them.