Yes. I'm not an expert on any actual organized groups that had names, but have done lynching research, specifically for Georgia.
I'm going to refer to one of the more infamous lynching cases of 1899, the burning at the stake of Sam Hose in Newnan and gruesome lynching of Lige Strickland.
Hose was accused of murder of a man and assault of that man's wife (usually rape or attempted rape). He confessed - or was made to - and implicated Strickland while doing so.
A mob went after Strickland. That was the norm for lynchings and in the case of Holt, 2,000 were said to be in attendance as he was publicly burned at the stake.
From the Waycross Weekly Herald of April 29, 1899:
"The mob found Strickland at the house of Major Thomas, his employee [sic - employer], who said that Strickland had nothing to do with the Cranford [murdered man] affair. Other said that Strickland was a law abiding citizen. Some members of the mob favored the law taking its course and suggested going to another place where several others lived who knew Strickland. This met approval and the court moved to the woods and there Strickland was strung up two or three times in an effort to make him confess, but Strickland denied any connection with Hose's crimes. The crowd was evenly divided but finally decided to take Strickland to the Fairburn jail and this was the last seen of Strickland alive. A couple of farmers coming to town this morning reported seeing the body hanging to a tree shockingly mutilated."
Shockingly mutilated, according to the April 25, 1899 San Francisco Call (similar reports were printed nationwide), was that Strickland's ears were cut off as well as one finger. A note was attached to Strickland directed to the New York Journal: "We must protect our ladies. 23, 99." (The numbers refer to the date of the lynching, April 23, 1899.) On the other side of the paper was "Beware, all darkies. You will be treated the same way."
While not in specifically the name of the Klan, mob murders against black individuals in the south was insanely common. Whites, less so, but did happen on rare occasions.
From Georgia alone in 1899 was a triple lynching in February where a mob broke down the jail door in Leesburg and demanded to know which three prisoners were the ones accused of rape. In July, a mob member told a jailer in Gainesville, Hall County, that he was the Gwinnett County sheriff. A black prisoner had been taken to Gainesville for safekeeping. The prisoner was shot and killed in jail by the mob (New York Times, July 16).
A robbery and supposed attempted rape resulted in eight men accused in Early County in July 1899 and two known to be lynched. At least one of the lynched had his body cut into pieces and distributed to people in attendance as a grotesque souvenir (Daily Times-Enterprise, July 27). Alas, that wasn't uncommon.
I'm looking at other lynchings from around the same time period with references to how mob violence was used as a wider threat.
Among them:
- Pinned to a lynching victim: "This is a warning to both black and white not to meddle or you will suffer the same fate. WE ARE THE PEOPLE." (Atlanta Constitution, December 9, 1900)
- In 1901, a black sharecropper named John Moody sued for wages owed from a farmer he previously worked for. The man he sued organized a band to lynch Moody. (Macon Telegraph, April 27, 1901)
- A black lynching victim had been helped in court by some whites and the mob pinned a note to a white man's gin stating he would share the victim's fate if he "did not mind out." (Atlanta Constitution, September 4, 1897)
There was no serious protection by the law for black citizens. Some law enforcement put up a token effort to keep accused prisoners safe, as evidenced by the Gwinnett sheriff moving a prisoner to Hall. Mobs often threatened violence to the jailer or to his jail. Frequently, mobs would either beat law enforcement to a suspect or steal him before he reached jail. Trials did happen, almost always within a month of the crime.
Mobs were large. Police forces were not. Even when people dared to speak in favor of the accused, such as in Strickland's case, it didn't matter.
There were some efforts in the 1890s in Georgia by Governors Atkinson and Northen to dissuade lynching. Both occasionally offered rewards, but it arguably wasn't until Governor Hugh Dorsey published a list in the New York Times in 1921 (June 26) that lynching slowed down in the state. Dorsey had been a prosecutor in the Leo Frank case and had ridden that success into office. The Frank case led to both the revival of the Klan and the formation of the Anti-Defamation League.
Sources not mentioned above: Milledgeville Union Recorder (2/21/1899), Atlanta Constitution (4/28/1899), Augusta Chronicle (2/13/1899), Americus Weekly Times-Recorder (2/17/1899), Arizona Republican (7/26/1899), Savannah Tribune (7/29/1899), New York Observer & Chronicle (4/27/1899)