Rather surprised at the lack of an answer to this, so I'll take a stab at it. Apologies in advance if someone with more familiarity with the secondary literature and historical debates finds fault with this.

Contact between the Vikings and the Islamic world was hardly limited, and although much of the earlier Viking-Muslim contact took the form of commercial exchange, violent contact could and did occur. What's especially fun is that the sheer breadth of both the Islamic land empire and the Norse maritime presence means that Muslims and Vikings were encountering each other on the opposite ends of their spherees of influence, with Western Europe and Byzantium sandwiched in between.

Thanks to the general navigability of rivers like the Volga, Dnieper, Vistula and Don, the Rus' were able to travel into the Black Sea and the Caspian with relative ease, offering opportunites for both trade and plunder. Information about the Rus' in the 9th century is largely murky. There may have been some sort of 'khaganate' at this time, first attested in the 830s, and there was also a Rus' attack on Constantinople in 860 that is relatively well-recorded, but the degree of trade in the Rus'-Byzantine relationship is somewhat uncertain. What we do know is that following a campaign by the Kievan Rus', the two signed a peace treaty in 907 (revised in 911) setting out terms for trade relations. While occasional wars with the Byzantines followed over the next century, the Rus' generally seem to have been recognised as having chiefly commercial interests in the East. Constantine VII's Pros ton idion uion Romanon ('To my son Romanos', better known by its (erroneous) Latin title De Administrando Imperio), written around 950, notably describes at length the routes taken by Rus' traders down from Novogorod, Smolensk and so forth via Kiev. This particular account shows the Rus' being pretty badly threatened by the Pechenegs, and would imply that aggressive intentions toward the Byzantines might be regarded as exceptional.

Already by this time, however, Islamic sources were recording their own contacts with the Rus'. One of the best known of these is the journal of Ibn Fadlan, an emissary appointed to help instruct the recently-converted Bulgar khagans in Islamic orthopraxy in 921. While at the Bulgar capital, he encountered a party of Rus' slave traders, who came and plied their wares before leaving. His rather lurid descriptions of what the Vikings did with their slaves is, well... see for yourself (spoiler tagged because NSFW):

When they arrive from their land, they anchor their boats on the Itil, which is a great river, and they build large wooden houses on the banks. Ten or twenty people, more or less, live together in one of these houses. Each man has a raised platform on which he sits. With them, there are beautiful slave girls, for sale to the merchants. >!Each of the men has sex with his slave, while his companions look on. Sometimes a whole group of them gather together in this way, in full view of one another.!<

From Ibn Fadlan also comes one of the most detailed accounts of the infamous 'Viking funeral', in which a slave girl >!is raped by all the other men in the company in turn, and then again on the boat carrying the dead man before being ritually killed,!< after which the boat is set off and burned. Leaving to one side the problem of assessing the accuracy of the claim, it is notable that Ibn Fadlan records one of the Vikings at the funeral quite knowledgably comparing the Viking practice of cremation to the Islamic practice of inhumation. Of course, without clear context we cannot be absolutely sure if Ibn Fadlan simply did not record his own half of the conversation, or if he was just putting words into this Rus' merchant's mouth, but it is known that Viking contacts with the Islamic world were very old indeed. By the middle of the 9th century, the geographer Ibn Khurradādhbih was describing 'Slavic' people called the Rūs who sailed round the Black Sea as well as into the Caspian, where they sometimes took caravans to Baghdad, pretending to be Christians rather than pagans, and paid the jizya tax as though resident dhimma rather than being exempt as visitors. The later geographer Ibn Rustah, likely citing a more complete version of Ibn Khurradādhbih, emphasised the rather brutish tendencies of the Vikings (in his account, Vikings were so distrustful that they only ever went to relieve themselves with three armed companions present for protection), but nonetheless recognised that the bulk of their activity was essentially commercial – even if much of their wares were obtained through tributes and looting, mainly from the Slavs.

To suggest that the Viking-Muslim dynamic was solely commercial, however, would be somewhat optimistic. Umayyad Spain (al-Andalus) was perennially subjected to Viking raiding. To quote the 12th century historian Zuhrī,

There used to come from this sea [the Atlantic] large ships which the people of al-Andalus called qarāqīr. These were big ships with square sails, and could sail either forwards or backwards. They were manned by men called majūs, who were fierce, brave and strong, and excellent seamen. When they attacked, the coastal peoples fled for fear of them. They only appeared every six or seven years, never in less than 40 ships and sometimes up to 100. They overcame anyone they met at sea, robbed them and took them captive.

The most infamous of these raids was probably the 844 attack on Seville, vividly passed on to us by the 10th century historian Ibn Hayyān, quoting a prior historian, Ahmad ibn Muhammad al-Rāzī:

On Wednesday, after the fourteenth night of the month of Muharram in the year 230/1 [October 844], the ships of the Norsemen halted at Seville, which was undefended. That day they plundered all they could, taking advantage of the negligence of its inhabitants.

...the Norsemen – may God curse them! – had arrived, ship after ship, and occupied the city of Seville. They spent seven days there, killing the men and enslaving the women and children, until the commanders arrived and clashed with them again and again, causing more and more casualties, until the death toll began to have an effect on them and it became clear they had been defeated.

Rather amusingly, it may have taken some time to connect the majūs who terrorised Umayyad al-Andalus and the Rus' who traded with the 'Abbasids – probably not least because of that political divide between Cordoba and Baghdad. Al-Mas’ūdī, a Baghdad-based scholar writing in the 940s, seems to have been the first Islamic scholar to articulate the idea that these were the same people:

Sometime before the year 300/912-913, ships carrying thousands of men reached al-Andalus by sea and raided the Atlantic coasts. The people of al-Andalus claimed that these enemies were one of the nations of the majūs, who came to attack them by sea every two hundred years and that they reach their country by means of a channel which communicates with the Ocean… Personally, I think – but God best knows the truth – that this channel communicates with the Sea of Azov and the Black Sea and that the attackers were those Rūs we have already mentioned, since they are the only people who sail those seas that communicate with the Ocean.

The 'Rūs we have already mentioned' refers to Viking raids in 913 on the Caspian coast against the Khazars, a long-time enemy of the Caliphate (Ibn Fadlan's mission to the Bulgars in fact seems to have been part of a broader proxy war agains the Khazars, and the Bulgar khagan had mistakenly assumed Ibn Fadlan was coming with money to help fund Bulgar fortification efforts). Probably the most entertaining account of a Viking raid in the Caspian, however, is that given by Miskawayh of the Viking attack on the city of Bardha'a in modern day Azerbaijan in 943, where they occupied the city for some months. After negotiations by a civil servant in the city failed, a Muslim general named Marzubān mobilised a large force to attempt to fight them off, but found himself repeatedly defeated.

When the Muslims found themselves unable to overcome the Rūs, Marzubān took stock of the situation, seeking some stratagem. Now it so happened that when the Rūs took Badha’a, they over-indulged in the fruit of which Bardha’a produced numerous varieties. As a result, an epidemic broke out among the Rūs, as they come from a very cold country, where no trees grow, and the little fruit which they have is imported from distant regions. When their numbers began to decline, Marzubān decided on his stratagem, a night ambush. When the Rūs charged out, he and his followers would pretend to be routed, encouraging the Rūs to think they could annihilate the Muslim army. When the Rūs passed beyond the place where the ambush lay, Marzubān with his followers would turn around and charge, shouting out an agreed signal to the soldiers lying in ambush. When the Rūs were trapped between their two forces, the Muslims would have them at their mercy.

This feigned retreat began well, but then turned into a full-blown rout, and with the outbreak of infighting among factions in the 'Abbasid caliphate Marzubān had to leave with most of his force, leaving the rest to simply lay siege to the city and wait for the Vikings to take attrition from disease and starvation.

Let us not forget, of course, the Varangian Guard of the Byzantines, which, based on the distribution of commemorative runestones, seems to have consisted mainly of Swedes. While these stones can be quite vague as to where their subjects fought besides 'Greece', and the Guard were usually bound to Constantinople, the Varangians did see some service overseas. Notably, Harald Hardrada led a Varangian contingent as part of the Byzantine conquest of Arab Sicily under George Maniakes in 1038-41.

So in short, yes there was extensive contact, but no it was not purely commercial.