How it developed the South African post-apartheid period in terms of memory policies and reparation to the victims?

by Ignacio_F

I ask this because in my class of South American dictatorships the teacher always put South Africa as a counterpart on terms of memory and reparation to the southern cone, but never went into details. I mean, Chile didn't arrest the military Junta members (Pinochet, Leigh, Merino, etc) but it's still arresting middle-lower ranks of the dictatorship. Argentina arrested the military junta, but it didn't arrest middle to lower ranks (military pressures) and Uruguay simply decided to forget about it and serious researchs began around 2015-2017 IIRC.

So, what happened in South Africa with Mandela? Was there any reparation program? Any statistics of victims? Were there arrested criminals?

anarchiaz

First of all, it is important to understand that the South African transition of power from the Apartheid state to the tripartite government under leadership of the ANC was different to the examples you raise in your questions as it was not a coup d'etat or a violent revolution but effectively a stalemate. Under pressure of nation wide strikes and civil disobedience as well as international economic sanctions, the Apartheid government und Willem de Klerk realized it would not be able to hold the government any longer without an outbreak of a civil war and initiated the handover of government to the ANC. This meant that while there was a transition of power in the government, the white Afrikaans were still heavily armed and could have resisted larger organized attempts of persecution by the new government, effectively completely destabilizing the post-apartheid state. This stalemate between the Afrikaans and the ANC led movement informed all post-apartheid approaches of memory and justice. On the one hand, in 1995, the Post-Apartheid government established the "truth and reconciliation commission" under leadership of Desmond Tutu. In a court like setting, victims of human rights violations could recount their experiences. This amounted not only to victims of the Apartheid state but also to white victims that experienced violence during the freedom struggle or in the unrest after the transition of government. While the focus was on unearthing truth as prerequisite for healing, victims were also offered (often more symbolic) reparations and rehabilitation means. Perpetuators of violence could also recount their actions and appeal for amnesty before the commission, which would be granted if they would disclose the full truth of their actions . The aim of the commission was not to organize individual punishment or reparations but to work through the trauma of over fourty years of violent racial oppression by generating a basis of memory and conversation in society that can at some point lead to reconciliation.

A good documentary called "long nights journey into day" includes plenty of original material from the court hearings can be found on YouTube.

While the restorative justice approach including the TRC and the establishment of apartheid museums and memorials all over South Africa were internationally and nationally taken up as a model approach of future oriented memory politics dealing with experiences of violence and trauma, it was also critized for not sufficiently differentiating between the comparatively few cases of violence against the white population with the structural oppression experienced by the black and cloroured population. Additionally, some groups, notably the family of the state-murdered anti apartheid activist Steve Biko accused the truth-oriented approach of the TRC as protecting perpetuators and named justice as prerequisite of reconciliation.

The TRC endet their public work in 2000 and its task of uncovering the truth about the violence and human rights violations in that apartheid state was taken up by it's follow-up organization the institute for justice and reconciliation. The final report of the commission was handed in in 2009.

Additionally to these politics of reconciliation and memory, the tripartite government also committed to politics of economic redistribution and affarmitave action to account for decades of economic exclusion if the black population. These affirmative action politics meant ambitious quotas for government jobs and government institutions like universities, government grants and credits that had some effect in elevating a specific sphere of the black and coloured population.

However, the most central distributive reform, the land redistribution reform was never conducted. Since the Apartheid state was build on the principle of land appropriation, eviction and redistribution (to the white population). Land ownership is massively unequal and divided along racial lines. While there were several resettlement and housing schemes to break racio-apatial segregation the planned redistribution of land was initially suspended in order prevent violent resistance among the white population and not to undermine the reconciliation process. When the ANC tried to take up land redistribution policy again in 1998, they were subsequently hit with such a strong instance of capital flight and a stock market crash (that was connected to several other issues in the global economy) the project of large scale redistribution was deemed unfeasible within the economic dependencies of South Africa in the current world market and was put on hold. The example of Mugabes Zimbabwe, that had expropriated the white land owners and was subsequently hit with an economic crisis also likely fed into the decision.

This is just a very brief overview of the memory and justice process in South Africa. While the truth and reconciliation effort can be seen as somewhat of a success, it was actually only part of a dual strategy with the other part being large scale economic redistribution and land reform, which only happened in a very limited scope.

I was a student of sociology at university of pretoria and I woud love to answer any follow up questions or give literature recommendations

sources/further reading:

T. Uys and s. Patel (eds.). 2012. Exclusion, social capital and citizenship, contested transitions in South Africa and India. Hyderabad, Orient Blackswan.

Tangri, R. and Southall, R. 2008. The politics of black economic empowerment in South Africa. Journal of Southern African Studies.

Ayee, E.S.A. “Reflecting on our past: reconciling a divided nation through listening.” Koers 75(1), 2010: 15-32.

Van der Walt, Clint, Vijé Franchi and Garth Stevens. “The South African Truth and Reconciliation Comission: ‘Race’, historical compromise and transitional democracy.” International Journal for intercultural relations 27, 2003: 251-267. doi:10.1016/S0147-1767(02)00089-5

Posel, Deborah. “What Kind of History? What Kind of Truth?” Paper presented at a conference organised by the Wits History Workshop and the Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation, TRC: Commissioning the past. Johannesburg, South Africa: 1999.

Stuit, Hanneke. “Ubuntu, the Truth and reconciliation commission, and South African identity.” Thamyris/Intersecting 20, 2010: 83-102.

Movies

Long Nights Journey into day. Dir. Deborah Hoffmann and Francis Reid. Reid-Hoffmann Productions: 2000.