Saturday Showcase | May 16, 2020

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AskHistorians is filled with questions seeking an answer. Saturday Spotlight is for answers seeking a question! It’s a place to post your original and in-depth investigation of a focused historical topic.

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Week 135

 

Whatever reasons kept Mussolini's attention away from the redaction of the Popolo d'Italia during the last week of July – whether he had to sort out internal frictions (a meeting of the executive committee of the Milanese Fascio was announced for the 28^th of July), or was understandably waiting for something new to happen, after the intense front coverage provided to the scioperissimo had somewhat depleted the “anti-socialist” investment of the public – it's quite apparent that, absent any strong immediate impulse, the “professionals” of the redaction had been left temporarily in charge, taking care of ordinary ongoing political matters, balancing the short-lived climate of armed truce with the “anti-national” Government of F.S. Nitti and the particular relevance of “national” themes for the Popolo d'Italia, as well as filling the voids left by the loss of urgency after the “colossal failure” of the socialist solidarity strike.

On July 28^th Mussolini's newspaper found room for an extensive, and not especially positive, examination of the new “artistic oddities” of Dadaism – courtesy of the younger De Chirico, Alberto Savinio. The movement which, from Switzerland, had spread to France, was “the consequence of the complete loss of any direction: of the corruption of any aesthetic, plastic, moral form” with the consequent corollary of “sensual convulsions”. Dadaism, despite its apparent impact, wasn't “but the reflection of a wide international movement” tending towards “the annihilation of any fundamental truth, as well as of any manifestation of natural or human character, to the obfuscation of any national sentiment”.

It's worth noting that the fact that the “national” and national press had – at least for the time being – archived the particular matter of the scioperissimo, and that the Popolo d'Italia especially (unlike other “national” voices) had significantly muted its original querulous complaints about the new Government, didn't result in a diminution of the relative attention reserved to “national” and “anti-bolshevik” initiatives. Indeed, general political considerations – which one may regard as almost positive towards the government – coexisted with the usual coverage of “national” themes, as well as with a persistent opposition to any concession to the various forms of organized Bolshevism (see for instance, the attacks on Mussolini's former associate, Filippo Naldi, now operating on behalf of the new Ministry). It is indeed possible – as rumored by the usual malign voices – that the new Government had exerted a certain degree of pressure on the various press outlets, after the suppression of censorship, to tone it down a bit, due to a persistent concern over frictions with France (as signified by the frequent telegrams between Nitti and Tittoni, as well as by Clemenceau's own direct grievances with the Italian delegation for the attitude of the Italian press) after the recent incidents in Fiume. If this was the case, Mussolini would not have liked to appear too soft-handed with the Government – which he was accused of – neither to press any lesser issue which didn't at least resemble a sensible line of criticism of the new Ministry.

In the meantime, a general anti-bolshevik sentiment – a sort of white noise – persisted within the city. In fact, the relative proliferation of anti-bolshevik organizations of various denominations was bound to cause a certain confusion. Hence, the “anti-bolshevik Union” - as the Popolo d'Italia called them, improperly, as it seems – had asked Mussolini's newspaper to publish a brief statement (July 28^th 1919 – page two – lower end, Milanese news) explaining that:

In order to avoid unfortunate inconveniences and misunderstandings, the Popular Anti-Bolshevik Union calls the attention of its members and of the public on the fact that the periodical “Anti-Bolshevik Italy” is not, and never was, an expression of the aforementioned association, of which the latter doesn't represent the thoughts, work and organization in any way.

On the 26^th the Popolo d'Italia had reproduced – roughly at the same position, in page two – an official statement released by the “Council of the Milanese Nationalist Group”, praising the recent conduct of railway workers during the strike.

“Citizens of Milan! The unwavering will of our People, victorious and wholesome, kept us vigilant. Once proven the inconsistency of its international premises, demolished in its leninistic structures – according to which our institutions of civilized nation were supposed to transmute into those of nomadic tribes, without Homeland and without Family – the particular attempt at a strike of these past days failed miserably, dragging through the dirt the restless figures of a few political practitioners and buccaneers which happened to infest the organizations of labor.”

“It's a point of pride for our good railway workers, showing their wisdom in peace like they did during the war, that they have been among the first in listening to the voice of the Nation […] and it's the most serious fault and unappealable condemnation of the Magistrates of our city [the socialist administration of Milan] that they have provoked the partial paralysis of our city with their oblique conduct.”

“Citizens of Milan! Once labor organizations are returned to the healthy economical competitions, to which exclusively they had been created, and that are indispensable to the life of the working people, removed the anomaly of a municipal administration which, at every turn and in the most damaging way, takes sides [with the socialists], our city will be delivered once again to the wide aspirations of those strong who make the prosperity and might of the Nation, as commanded by our Heroes of this generation, and of all future ones.”

There was no need for clarification in so far as the main speaker for the night of Tuesday the 29^th – at the Dal Verme theater – that being Gabriele D'Annunzio, as announced once again on the 28^th by the Popolo d'Italia, on behalf of the “Fascio of the Patriotic Associations”.

News of D'Annunzio's intervention had remained at the center-top of the Milanese news since the event had been confirmed – July 26^th - “D'Annunzio in Milan”

Gabriele D'Annunzio, grateful of the invitiation of the national Association of war volunteers, of which he is honorary president, will be, on the 29^th of this month, in Milan, for the solemn ceremony of delivery of the association's flag, and of the pennant of the local section […]

In the meantime, Mussolini's newspaper continued its coverage of the “eastern-front” and Adriatic matters, publishing an extensive summary (July 28^th – page three) of the public ceremony held by the municipality of Venice, to award honorary citizenship to His Royal Highness – Emanuele Filiberto of Savoia – the Duke of Aosta, former commander of the “unvanquished” III Army, recently dissolved (on the 22^nd of July) upon Nitti's insistence, due to active and persistent “national” agitation which surrounded the figure of the Duke, stemming from the press office of the Army Command, held in Trieste by Giovanni Giuriati.

And, from Trieste – through Rome – came most of the “latest” news on Yugoslav affairs published on Mussolini's newspaper. For instance, on the 28^th front page reportsinformed the reader of recent and concerning developments on the Italian eastern front, where – allegedly – an “attack against Italian troops on the armistice line” had occurred on the 27^th – but, in the afternoon of publication day, answering to an interrogation on the matter made by representative Casalini, the Undersecretary to the Interior, Giuseppe Grassi, observed that “since some newspapers have published a report of this sort, I can say that the fact is completely non-existent”, and anticipated a probable official refutation statement from the Government.

Incoming news from Trieste, which we reprint without confirmation.

“For a few days Yugoslav agitators have been going through the villages close to the armistice line, preaching to the people that, on the 20^th [of July], revolution was to break out in Trieste, to squash the Italians and declare the annexation of Trieste and its surroundings to Yugoslavia.”

“Military authorities didn't ascribe much weight to such rumors, ordering nonetheless for a more careful surveillance. Yesterday morning, hordes of armed peasantry begun movements [of revolt] against our soldiers, and soon after, regular troops of the Serbian army engaged our troops in a full blown combat action. The most serious engagement occurred in Longatico. There, many prisoners were taken, among whom not only Yugoslav soldiers but of other nations as well. Some of whom, being wounded, were taken to the hospital in Trieste. The event caused a major impression within the city. Our troops pushed back the aggressor and military authorities dispatched there some reinforcements.”

To these news – continued the Popolo d'Italia - one should add the reports, from a different source, claiming that the Italian Government is in possession of the [names of the] organizers of a plot arranged abroad, with the participation of Italian groups, for a revolution to be started in Italy during the recent strike of the 20^th and 21^th […] Peasants had been told that they were supposed to share the land among themselves. In Trieste there were a few movements by the citizens of Croat or Slovene origin.

The attack of the Yugoslav troops against the Italian ones was supposed to coincide with the opening of an anti-Italian movement in Trieste.