Because print was the only mass medium available, yes, campaigns had to rely heavily on print. 19th century American newspapers existed generally in 2 types: commercial advertisers and political journals; the 2 functions merged over time to produce what we would now understand as a newspaper.

Many local newspapers started and were created for the purpose of promoting political causes. This was even in the name of papers such as the Richmond Whig or Foster's Daily Democrat.. Towns large enough often had a newspaper for each of the major parties. These organs did not offer the veneer of objectivity that became common in 20th century outlets. People knew that the papers were partisan, and the papers openly advertised their political leanings. The papers existed largely to organize voters aligned with their respective parties and promote the interests of their candidates. Two of the 19th century's most successful political fixers - Francis Preston Blair and Thurlow Weed - started out as newspaper editors. Many of these papers would list our the candidates endorsed by the paper the large type on one of the inside pages alongside a reminder to vote and some of kind slogan.

For much of this period we are also talking about an age when ballot access was not controlled by state or local governments. It fell often to party newspapers to print up ballots for their candidates. This was also an age when the norm of the secret ballot was not yet widely respected, so it was often possible to tell who someone was voting for based on the color of their ballot paper.

Papers also provided coverage of public appearances by candidates and of party gatherings, though of course in a vary partisan, slanted way. These various functions of newspapers were important even for those who could not read, though the literacy rate in 19th century America was relatively high. It is important to remember that we are talking about a culture that was still very oral and face to face. Reading aloud whatever had been published in the local paper was a common mode of social engagement.

Campaigns also did hold public rallies much as they do today, though the candidate himself appearing was not always the norm, as appearing too eager to hold public office was frowned upon. Remember, this is a very face to face culture, and there is no radio, internet, or television. Public sporting events were not even as large or as common as they are now. Very often, a political rally was the most exciting thing going on in a given area if there was no religious revival occurring. These weren't just political events, they were social events, and campaigns took advantage of this. These events played the role not just of boosting a cause, but of giving people the opportunity to get blitzed in public and enjoy copious amounts of food. "Treating" one's supporters was not at all an uncommon practice.

Campaigns also tended to be intensely local. Even running for president, you had to rely on your network of supporters and friendly newspaper editors in different regions to coordinate campaign activities. The decentralized nature of such affairs also helped give rise to the party conventions that today have become infomercials. Conventions, state or national, were some of the only places where party notables from different regions could interact and cut deals face to face. We're also talking about an era when primary elections the we would understand them did not really exist; the conventions themselves nominated the candidates.

The conduct of campaigns was different from our own insofar as truly national media took a long time to come into being, and had to rely much more on print and face to face interactions, but some of it would still be familiar to us.

Readings

Joel Silbey, The American Political Nation: 1838 - 1893

Mark Wahlgren Summers, Party Games: Getting, Keeping, and Using Power in Gilded Age Politics

Charles Sydnor, Gentlemen Freeholders: Political Practices in Washington's Virginia

Richard Beeman, The Varieties of Political Experience in Eighteenth Century America

Lacy Ford, Origins of Southern Radicalism: The South Carolina Upcountry 1800 - 1860