For clarification, as I understand it at this point the majority of people living around Uppsala, where the old temple was, were still pagan. Not much further south, however, the majority were Christians, and only a minority held on to the old gods; I belong to that pagan minority. If I’m mistaken, please go ahead and correct me!
I wrote a relevant post for a while before in When/where was the last known viking settlement?, and the following post will be just a crude re-arranged and expanded summary of the previous post (as for the further readings, please also refer to the linked post).
>the majority of people living around Uppsala, where the old temple was, were still pagan.
This has been very hotly debated issue, but at least in my understanding:
>How open can I be about my faith, and how do I go about performing my rites (in open)?
On the other hand, I suppose OP should not worry too much about this kind of danger, at least for the moment. As I explained before in Did Christians ever convert to the Viking (Odin, Thor, Loki, etc.) religion?, their basic concept of 'religion' and the point at issue was the 'faith' itself, but the communal regulation of practices (way - 'sið') based on it, and many Norse people regarded two belief system, Old Norse and Christian, as not so exclusive each other at least in the beginning. To give an example, it was not until ca. 1100 that the new, distinct Christian burial practice became predominant in the countryside area of the Mälaren relatively near Sigtuna (Andersson 1997).
It means that some of even your Christian neighbors might be hesitant to abandon the old way at once, and might support you if the Christian ruler tried to press this issue too adamantly. I suppose this might happen in the late 11th century Svealand.
An old note (scholion) of Adam of Bremen, added soon (ca. 1080) after the completion of the work (ca. 1075) states that:
'When not long ago the most Christian king of the Swedes, Anunder [Inge I (d.1110) of the Stenkil dynasty?], would not offer the demons the prescribed sacrifice of the people, he is said, on being deposed, to have departed......' (Schol. 140 (136), in: Tschan 2002: 208).
I suppose this short note, rather than elaborated description of the temple and sacrifices, is more telling evidence of the situation. While the Christians (judged by rune stones) got the majority, not all of them always liked to support the idea of deposing previous practices altogether, especially based on the proposal from the 'external' ruler or churchmen. They had to often be cautious, not to provoke the resentment of local people too much, regardless of their apparent religious identity.
The dynastic change of new Christian rulers in southern Sweden in the middle of the 11th century must also have played a key role in prolonging delaying the final Christian blow to the remaining pagan open practices. While we cannot accept all of Adam's accusation on King Emund (d. 1060) as 'being not so zealous and favored an unofficial bishop' at face value, the rather close collaboration between the German church and the Erik dynasty (see above) apparently ended after the death of King Anund Jakob (d. 1050). The collaboration with German church and/or Svend Estridsen, the king of the Danes (d. 1076), was resumed under the reign of King Stenkil (d. 1066) of Västergötland, SW Sweden, and alleged father of the aforementioned Inge-Anund as well, but this new ruler family was much more distant figure than those of the former Erik family.
If we believe Adam, King Stenkil was unwilling to support the initial missionary plan of two bishops (namely Adalwald the younger of Sigtuna-Skara in Västergötland and Egino of Dalby-Lund in Skåne, then Denmark) to target Gamla Uppsala, probably not because he was sympathetic towards the local feelings, but because he apparently worry about the safety of the bishops if they tried to destroy the idols of Gamla Uppsala in person (Adam IV-xxx (29), in: Tschan trans. 2002: 209f.). In short, King Stenkil seemed to know he didn't have enough political influence to press his ally bishop's will here. Instead, Stenkil recommended the bishops to destroy the remaining idols among the Götar in southern Sweden.
The support of the local Christian as well as powerful ruler was very important to promote the missionary activity, and it was rather often difficult to get in (Central) Sweden, 'away' playground not only for missionary bishops, but also for the most powerful rulers then in now Sweden as well, as Adam himself admits:
'In fact, with the failure of all the royal stock the order of the kingdom was altered and Christianity there [Sweden] was seriously disturbed. The bishops whom the metropolitan [of Hamburg-Bremen] had consecrated stayed at home in fear of persecution......' (Adam III-liii (52), in: Tschan trans. 2002: 160).
At last, however, I cite another interesting and near-contemporary (though much less known) text that in fact tells slightly later phase of Christianization, but not looking so at a first glance:
'But the Swedes and the Goths, when their affairs are, according to their wishes, flowing and succeeding prosperously, seem to venerate the faith of Christianity in name; but when the wind of adversity blows be it in the infertility of the soil, or the dryness of the air, or the force of the wind’s blasts, or an incursion of enemies or a burning of fire, the religion of faith, which hitherto they seemed to venerate in word, they then not only with words but with deeds and persecutions of the Christian faithful they proceed, and attempt to expel them entirely from their borders. There Bishop Eskillinus of pious memory, coming from the most noble territory of the English, preaching the Gospel of faith to the wild and indomitable peoples, for his testimony of truth by the savagery and madness of the barbarians was removed from the transitory world, and went, with angels collecting him, to the one above to live forever'. (Ailnoth of Canterbury, The Deeds of King Svend-Magnus and his Sons and the Passion of the Most Glorious Cnut, King and Martyr (ca. 1120), Preface)
Ailnoth the English Monk (of Canterbury) writes this preface of the hagiography in the 1120s, as instructed by King Niels of Denmark (d. 1134) and accepting their prejudice against other Scandinavians (as much less Christianized against the Danes, the most civilized and Christianized people in Scandinavia), on the alleged martyrdom of the missionary bishop Eskil, customarily dated to ca. 1080 (about the contemporary of the alleged expulsion of Anund-Inge from Svealand). Even if we take pro-Danish biased tone of these passages at face value, however, even Ailnoth admits that both the Swedes and the Götar accepted Christianity at least nominally when the persecution occurred.
So, I'd like to conclude....., regardless of accepting Christianity as a basic social and communal order, the Svears in late 11th century Central Sweden must have been very difficult people to get along with such a delicate matter like religious one, especially for external authorities. And both the missionary bishop and rigorous ruler of the new Stenkil dynasty based in Västergötland were inevitably strangers to their local community. Thus, I suppose OP and their religious observances enjoyed some open acceptance at least until ca. 1080 as these troubles occur, as long as their local magnate also kept heathen practices.
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