That’s a large set of questions with an understandable nuance in the answer. However, I’ll attempt to address what the core of your question is. The PDPA did have increasing support before the Saur Revolution, especially since Daoud seized power in 74 and especially in urban areas. Universities were frequently sites for both recruitment and demonstration throughout the mid to late 70s, most commonly against the rising sway of Muslim youth groups - notable members of the Muslim youth being Rabbani and Hekmathar, and to a lesser extent Massoud (amongst several others). It’s important to remember, too, that the PDPA was essentially split into two factions; the Khalq and Parcham. The Khalq were more Leninist / Marxist and found their support before the Revolution in the army, police, and amongst teachers. Parcham were more pragmatic and more akin to Trotsky in their ideas, and found their support amongst urban populations. When the Saur Revolution happened it was under Taraki and Amin who, being from the Khalq faction, sought to quickly enforce land redistribution, liberalisation of gender norms, increased education, industrialisation etc. To this end, they were somewhat successful. Land redistribution did occur but even amongst peasants was largely unpopular due to cultural norms. Gender rights did increase, as did literacy levels, and things like infant mortality (in urban areas) decreased. Equally, there was a mass industrialisation project, primarily funded by the Soviets and which did increase key infrastructure such as food production and basic machinery. However, the Khalq faction was replaced after the Soviet invasion in 79 and Brezhnev and then his successors all pressed for the Parcham leaders to reduce the overt drive for socialism and instead pursue an approach that would appease the rising tide of armed resistance (there are many reasons for this approach by the Politburo). Najib, who became leader in 86, even went as far as changing his surname to Najibullah. Thus, the pursuit and achievement of socialist aims can be seen through several lenses. One, they were hamstrung by their dependence on the Soviets and thus largely accepted their aims, rather than orthodox aims in which guided the initial revolution. Two, there were two factions within the PDPA, each with slightly different aims, and each very different under the 4 Presidents - one must therefore individually analyse the aims and achievements of each of them separately. Three, with the rising influence of the mujahideen and the near zero influence of the PDPA outside urban centres, their ability to achieve their aims was limited. Hope that helps :)