The practice of active whaling in the indigenous Pacific Northwest has largely been attributed to the Makah and Nuu-chah-nulth groups, for which we have an extensive oral, ethnographic, and archaeological basis for the primacy of whaling in those traditions. Other Pacific Northwest peoples likely engaged in drift whaling (the exploitation of a dead whale washed ashore) and may have engaged in opportunistic whaling off the coast, but it's generally agreed that it was not as extensive or particular as the aforementioned people's involvement (I'll refer to those two groups generally as "Pacific Northwest" for this post, and while variation certainly can exist with these groups, the similarities of practice are fairly extensive).

It's established that the gray whale and humpback whale were the primary targets of Pacific Northwest whalers, following spring and summer migration patterns respectively. How they were hunted is rather straightforward. A crew of eight (a steersman, six rowers, and the harpooner at the bow) manning a canoe would set out in pursuit of whale. Coming upon their target, a harpoon head of shell, bone, and later metal, attached to a wooden shaft would strike. The detached harpoon head was followed by a sinew-originated line, along which were attached buoys primarily made from inflated seal skin. These buoys would be of multiple use, as a way to mark the location of a struck whale, to introduce drag to a struck whale on the move, and to assist in floating a whale corpse on open water. Crews on canoes that successfully struck a whale would signal to other canoes to assist, repeating the process until the whale was dead. James Swan, an American who recorded Makah practices as he lived among them, remarks "it is not unusual for from thirty to forty of these buoys to be made fast to the whale, which, of course, cannot sink, and is easily despatched by their spears and lances."

The division of the whale was a communal affair that had a few established rules. The crews were largely given first choice of blubber cuts, and the subsequent cultivation of meat, bone, and remaining blubber was likely ranked by social standing, but doesn't appear to have been exclusive in parts and cuts. One exception to this rule that has been attested to is what is termed the "saddle" of the whale. This cut appears to be from an area of the dorsal fin to the tail and was considered a prime piece that would have been the right of the harpooner who first struck the whale, the chief, or the harpooner that killed the whale (I've seen variations of who had possession of this).

The practice of whaling appears to be a role that was largely left to chiefs and others of a high social ranking. Archaeological discoveries of harpoons and other hunting instruments are largely found in the homes of those recognized as having high social status, and the cultural traditions of the Pacific Northwest attribute those nobility-individuals for their hunting prowess. Indeed, harpooners on whaling canoes would have been the chiefs, his relations, or other important families that would have likely been trained and brought up in the "practice" by kin. As such, whalers had an extensive spiritual-cultural preparation in anticipation of the hunting season, one that involved ritual, abstinence, and separation from family to elicit favorable conditions for a successful whale landing.

Whaling's importance to the indigenous Pacific Northwest was a subject of debate, varying between its real material contribution to economic worth and its spiritual-cultural importance. It's generally agreed upon that whaling was an important part of Pacific Northwest economy and lifestyle. Archaeologist David R. Huelsbeck concludes from findings at the Ozette Site that whale bone tools made up about a quarter of discovered bone implements, and the known amount of whale bone remains suggests a staggering amount of blubber (and by extension, whale oil) and meat passed through the site. Resources that would have been important to the daily lives of the communities, but also are known to have had great trade importance in dealings with other coastal communities.

Sources:

The Indians of Cape Flattery, at the entrance to the Strait of Fuca, Washington Territory by James Swan (a direct 19th Century ethnographic observation of Makah practices)

Spirits of our Whaling Ancestors: Revitalizing Makah and Nuu-chah-nulth Traditions and “It's who we are”. Makah and Nuu -chah -nulth whaling: A history by Charlotte Cote

Whaling in the Precontact Economy of the Central Northwest Coast by David R. Huelsbeck

Northwest Coast Indian Whaling: New Considerations by Richard Kool

Whereas /u/an_ironic_username looks at whaling and the significance thereof among the Makah and Nuu-chah-nulth, I will try and fill in the gaps with Quileute and what (relatively) little Coast Salishan sources have to say on the subject of whaling.

What was the importance of whales to the nations of the Pacific Northwest?

To establish the significance of whales to societies of the Northwest, just within the realm of material culture as opposed to ritual, social, and oral tradition, one simply needs to look at how prominent tools and artwork made from whalebone were among peoples along the Northwest Coast. For while the cultures of the region are often hailed for their woodworking skills, not surprising for peoples who used red cedar for everything from housing to diapers, whale bone takes a similarly prominent focus when it comes to use in tools. Fish clubs, cedar bark beaters (implements used to pound red cedar bark into a more pliable form), combs, spindle whorls, adze handles, mat creasers, and other general pieces of artwork.

As I am the most familiar with warfare, I can tell you that whalebone, especially the rib of a whale, was a deeply popular material for war-clubs and daggers, often decorated with geometric (have to squint a little along the blade)/zoomorphic/anthromorphic designs and occasionally inlaid with abalone. Blue and gray whales were not the only ones to create weapons as the use of a killer whale jawbone as a war-club is attested to by the examination of a professional warrior's grave near Victoria, BC (which also contained a separate whalebone club). In addition, the use of whalebone for slat armor is attested to on the SW Washington Coast among the Quinault, while whalebone bows are briefly mentioned by Puyallup and Nisqually sources in the Sound.

So, just from the material culture, the bones of whales proved to be a commonly sought after resource for all manner of crafts and purposes.

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Were whales a large portion of the diet, or was taking a whale a relatively rare occurrence?

This does depend on where exactly and who on the Coast one is looking at.

Looking at the Quileute, immediate neighbors of the Makah, the very first meal one might have in their life would be a small piece of whale fat as recorded by George A. Pettitt in his 1950 anthropological survey "The Quileute of La Push":

The infant was washed in warm water and rubbed with shark oil. The first food it received, twenty-four hours after birth, was a piece of dried whale fat to suck. (Pettitt, 1950, 16)

Similar to the neighboring Makah and Nuu-chah-nulth, the Quileute also had a developed tradition of whaling, supplementing their fish heavy diet with the occasional whale and other mammals such as seals, deer, elk, etc.

As for how often, it is easy to interpret from Quileute sources that a single whale was more than sufficient to provide everyone who heard about it a massive piece of the catch:

"In the preparation of whale meat and blubber no attempt was made to manufacture boilers large enough, but small canoes were converted into temporary cooking vessels. When whales were killed or drifted ashore, the whole village, and practically every Quileute within canoe distance who heard about or smelled the catch, gathered around the carcass to strip off blubber and cut out the meat." (Pettitt, 1950, 6)

In addition to that description of the processing of a whale, an old whaler (born in 1835) told Edward S. Curtis during his interviews with tribal informants that he had personally killed 40 whales in his life up until then.

Whale products, such as blubber, meat, and of course, bone, were harvested by all those who attended the butchering of the whale. Blubber and fat was rendered into oil, a delicacy that was largely consumed like other rendered fats in Northwest Indian cuisine (used for dipping and covering certain meals like hot butter at a seafood restaurant) and occasionally imbibed in great quantities as a contest between shamans:

"Aside from doctoring, the shaman often used his power to entertain or strike awe in his fellow tribesmen. On ceremonial occasions there were power contests between shamans. They danced in the fire, juggled with hot rocks, and drank prodigious quantities of whale oil (as much as five gallons, according to legend)." (Pettitt, 1950, 20)

Southern Coast groups, such as the Coast Salishan peoples of the Seattle area, did harvest whales, however, outside of the occasional beached whale our sources on active whaling within the Sound and adjacent Coast Salishan areas (excluding the outer coast of the Olympic Peninsula, of course) is less attested to. There is more to be said on this topic in the next section.

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